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Persian, Farsi, Dari, Tajiki: Language Names and Language Policies

机译:波斯语,波斯语,达里语,塔吉克语:语言名称和语言政策

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摘要

Persian is an important language today in a number of countries of west, south and central Asia. But its status in each is different. In Iran its unique status as the only official or national language continues to be jealously guarded, even though half—probably more—of the population use a different language (mainly Azari/Azeri Turkish) at home, and on the streets, though not in formal public situations, and not in writing. Attempts to broach this exclusive status of Persian in Iran have increased in recent decades, but are still relatively minor. Persian (called tajiki) is also the official language of Tajikistan, but here it shares that status informally with Russian, while in the west of the country Uzbek is also widely used and in the more isolated eastern part of the country other local Iranian languages are now dominant. In Afghanistan, although Persian (officially renamed dari in 1964, but still commonly called farsi) is the official language, the national language is Pashto, and there is no official restriction on the use of other languages (see discussion by Nawid in this volume). Persian also continues to be spoken in some of the northern and western parts of Pakistan and the southern littoral of the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile, for most people in Pakistan, Bangladesh and India, for reasons that are explained later, Persian is informally recognized as a classical language. In the other countries of the region—Turkey, the Caucasus, the Persian Gulf and the other Central Asian republics—somewhat negative, discriminatory attitudes are found with regard to Persian. This situation is a consequence of the nationalisms that have emerged over the past fifty years or so. This unusual combination of vast geographical distribution and country-by-country variation can be explained only by detailed reference to the history of the language. Persian makes an interesting historical case study, because it includes in a somewhat exaggerated form a number of features that are found in other modern languages that have long textual records—features which throw a shadow of the continuing development of language policies in all these countries, and may illuminate some of the less tangible factors behind language policy in general.
机译:如今,波斯语已成为西亚,南亚和中亚许多国家的重要语言。但是它在每个状态中都不同。在伊朗,尽管只有一半(可能更多)的人在家中和街道上使用另一种语言(主要是阿扎里语/阿泽里土耳其语)使用自己的语言,但仍在嫉妒地捍卫着它作为唯一的官方或本国语言的独特地位。正式的公共场合,而不是书面形式。在最近几十年中,试图打破这种波斯人在伊朗的专有地位的尝试有所增加,但仍相对较小。波斯语(也称为塔吉克语)也是塔吉克斯坦的官方语言,但是在这里它与俄罗斯人非正式地享有这种地位,而在该国西部,乌兹别克语也被广泛使用,在该国较偏远的东部地区,其他本地伊朗语言是现在占主导地位。在阿富汗,虽然波斯语(1964年正式更名为dari,但仍通常称为波斯语)是官方语言,而本国语言是普什图语,并且对使用其他语言没有官方限制(请参阅Nawid的讨论) 。巴基斯坦北部和西部的某些地区以及波斯湾的南部沿海地区也继续使用波斯语。同时,对于巴基斯坦,孟加拉国和印度的大多数人来说,出于稍后说明的原因,波斯语被非正式地认可为古典语言。在该地区的其他国家(土耳其,高加索,波斯湾和其他中亚共和国),人们对波斯有一些消极的歧视性态度。这种情况是过去五十多年左右出现的民族主义的结果​​。巨大的地理分布和不同国家之间的不寻常组合只能通过详细参考语言的历史来解释。波斯语做了一个有趣的历史案例研究,因为它以某种程度上被夸大了的形式包含了其他具有悠久文本记录的现代语言中发现的功能,这些功能给所有这些国家的语言政策的持续发展蒙上了阴影,可能会阐明语言政策总体上的一些较不实际的因素。

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    Spooner, Brian;

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